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会议论文摘要

沈国威 日本关西大学

Shen, Guowei, Kansai University

 

原文Original

明治的汉学家与中国的西化路程

明治维新以后,日本汉学家的生存环境大变,实藤惠秀的一系列研究描述了聚集在清国公使馆周围的汉学家的生态:他们对明治维新心怀不满、鼓吹复古、成了时代的弃儿。

但是,汉文的境遇则完全不同。明治初汉字词大流行,明治中期(1880年代)又迎来了汉文隆盛的时代;直至20世纪初,汉文、准汉文、汉文调的文章仍是学术文章、翻译书籍所使用的主要文体。时代仍然为那些顺应时势的汉学家们留下了一定的生存空间。

如果说,冈本监辅用汉文撰写的《万国史记》(1880)、冈千仞用汉文翻译《翻译米利坚志》4卷,1875年、《万国史》1886年、《纳耳逊传》1887年仅仅是为了满足日本国内某些汉文爱好者的思古幽情,那么1896年夏,受汪康年之邀来上海为《时务报》翻译东文报译的汉学家古城贞吉则代表了另一种新兴的势力。他们视改造东亚为己任,积极地为中国的变法运动提供精神资源。继古城之后,在《农学报》、《译书公会报》从事翻译的汉学家藤田丰八、安藤虎雄等也都是中国的日语翻译人才出现之前救燃眉之急的人物。中日甲午战争以后,康有为等提倡通过日本获取西方的新知识。梁启超向清廷建议:拟先聘日人,先译东文。因日本人兼通汉文、西文之人尚多,收效较速。而中土译才甚少,计不得不出此也。但古城告诫他日本维新三十年中,读中国书几绝,其有一二,则皆守旧之徒,视新学如仇敌,必不肯翻我欲翻之书。日本的汉学家分为两个阵营可见一斑。1898年,日人创善邻译书馆,专译西文新法诸书为汉文书籍,主要翻译者有重野成斋、冈千仞、龟谷省轩等,均为汉学重镇。善邻译书馆于1899年一气推出了《大日本维新史》(重野安绎译)、《日本警察新法》(小幡俨太郎译)、《国家学》(吾妻兵治译)、《战法学》(石井忠利译)等汉文书籍,向中国的读者提供了急需的新知识,并给予梁启超等改革派人士极大的影响。同时,日人经营,或受日本控制的报刊开始出现。据中下正治的考证,甲午以后至辛亥革命的十数年内有国内发行的日资报刊达到19种之多。主笔多为日本人,其文章征服了众多的中国读者。但是,这个日本汉学家越俎代庖的时期并没有持续太长的时间。很快,借途日本学习西方的重任就由掌握了日语的留学生们接了过去。

与西方传教士相比,日本汉学家既无严密的组织,又无宗教热情。他们参与中国改革、向中国提供新知识的动机是什么?本文试图通过分析世纪之交日本汉学家的译书活动以及对中国的影响等,对上述问题给出合理的解答。古城等乃汉学家之另类。关于世界历史的知识。另一方面,西学从东方来的景象呈现在中国人面前。我们应该注意到这样一个事实:在中国人还没有获得日语知识之前。日语学习书籍大量出版,以刊载日文中译为主的杂志、译自日语的各种书籍也大量发行,中国人的日语水平达到了实用的高度。短短数年,主张遂成为可能。

《盛京时报》(1908年二月廿三日)载《日本领事改用日文之原因》,全文如下:李柳溪星为商允日外务省阻止日领改用东文一事,电复外务部,称:前奉函即商日外务省,顷始得覆。据言,上年各日领会议谓近来日人能作汉文者锐减,各领事馆不尽有能汉文之人,深形不便,因请改用日文。查甲午以后所订条约既无配送汉文之条,故即饬知照办。此系实情,并无他意。现中国官吏既以为不便,暂可通融办理。应由各地方官经商日领,所用公牍暂写配送汉文,以免有误会之处,并望中国多造译才。已通饬各日领等语。当由外务部备文照会日使,并转行各省督抚及各海关道一体遵照矣。从侧面透露了日本汉文教育日渐式微,汉文日益普遍的情况。

 

 

译文Translation

Sinologists of Meiji Japan and Chinese Westernization

After the Meiji Reformation, Japanese Sinologists encountered a totally different situation, while the Chinese language underwent little change. At the beginning of the Meiji period, terminology in Chinese was wide spread, followed by a boom of writing in classical Chinese in the mid-Meiji period around 1880. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, classical Chinese and pseudo-classical Chinese were still the major literary styles in academic writing and translation. Writers such as Okamoto Kanpo (冈本监辅) and Oka Senjin (冈千仞) used Chinese in writing and translation not only for satisfying the nostalgia of those who were obsessed with Chinese writing, but also showing their desire to use Chinese as the “common language” of East Asia to revitalize the region and counter Western influences. This was also the primary motivation behind their participation in the activities of the Association for Asian Rejuvenation (兴亚会). After the first Sino-Japanese War, a new generation of Sinologists, such as Kojo Tekichi (古城贞吉), Fujita Toyohachi (藤田丰八) and Ando Torao (安藤虎雄), gained wide notice in the Chinese media. They vigorously provided intellectual resources for political reforms in China, and helped meet an urgent need before Chinese could translate Japanese books by themselves. In 1898, the Translation Institute for Good Neighborhood was founded, aiming to provide new knowledge to its readership in China and the Korean Peninsula through translating new legal books of European languages into Chinese. Renowned Sinologists such as Shigeno Seisai (重野成斋) and others took part in the translation project, which brought forward the publication of four books in 1899. Meanwhile, newspapers, run or controlled by Japanese, began to appear and gained popularity among Chinese readers. This Japanese initiative in China, however, did not last long. Soon afterwardsChinese students who were proficient in Japanese took over the serious task of introducing Western knowledge through Japan. Compared with the Western missionaries in China, the Japanese Sinologists were neither well organized nor religiously enthusiastic toward their work. What were their motivations in involving themselves in the reform movements and the provision of new Western knowledge in China? This paper seeks to offer reasonable answers to the above question through analyzing the translation activities of Japanese Sinologists and their impact on China at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries.